Sept. 4 
1852 



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NATIONAL POLITICS. 



STEECII 



HOI. CIIAS. JAS. FAULMEE, 



OF VIRGINIA, 



AT BEADING, PENNSYLV^VNIA, 



SEPTEMBERS, lS-52. 






WASPIINGTOX: 
A. O P. NICHOLSON, PEINTER. 



C V- 



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; [From the Pennsykan'um of Monduij, September G, 1S32.] 

THE GREAT MEETING OF THE DEMOCRACY AT READLNG. 

30,000 FREEaiElV IN COUNCIL.! 

THE DEMOCRACY OF THE OLD KEYSTONE AROUSED ! 

Buchanan, iJoiu/las, Bir/lcr, Loiue, and Faulkner, the talent and the hone and 
shew of the Democracy/ of the East, We>st, Xorth and South, in the field, bat- 
tling with ivilling hearts and hands for Pierce, King, and the Union! 

On Saturday, pursuaut to notice, the political friends and advocates of the election of Pierc« 
and King assembled at the citadel of Democracy— the city of Reading — to the number of 
thirty thour^and. 

There were delegations in attendance from Philadelphia, Lancaster, Lebanon, Dauphin, 
Chester, Montgomery, Bucks, Schuylkill, Lehigh, and other counties. The town of Poitsville 
sent a strong delegation, with a fine band. 

The Spring Garden delegation was very full, and had a neat white banner, with, black border, 
haviug thereon the inscription — '• We hail from the I)istrict of Spring Garden." They were 
headetl by the United States brass band, in their splendid uniforms. 

The delegation from the Northern Liberties h)oked remarkably well. They were accona- 
panied by a band of music, and had a number of beautiful llag.s. 

The delegation from the district of Peun made a very creditable appearance, and were pre- 
ceded by a tasty banner, bearing these words— "District of Penn— Pierce and King." 

The delegation from Dauphin county turned out in goodly numbers, and were preceded by 
an excellent brass band, aud displayed several pretty star-spangled banners. 

There were also present two fine German bands from Philadelphia. 

The Ringgold Artillery, of Reading, commanded by Captain James McKnight, paraded in 
full uuiforra, with a fine baud of music. 

2>Iosc of the hotels were decorated with handsome flag^, many of them bearing the inscrip- 
tion "Pierce and King;" and all these houses were filled to overflowing with people from till 
parts of this State, Virginia, and Maryland. 

After several delegations and the military had paraded the several streets, they gathered in 
front of the grand Rostrum, which was erected iu Centre Scpiare, near the western market- 
house. It was tastefully decorated with banners and flags, and the United States brass band 
and a German band were in attendance upon it, and played siuue lively airs in their best style. 

Precisely at 12 o'clock the meeting was called to ordi'r by Horn R. Kueass, esq., one of the 
members of the State Central Committee; iu behalf of which body he moved that the Hon. 
James Buchanan officiate as President of the meeting, which was unanimously agreed to amid 
great applause. 

On motion of H. R. Kneass, esq., it was resolved imanimously that Gov. Lowe, of Maryland, 
and Gov. Bigler, of Pennsylvania, take position on the right and left of the President. 

Horn R. Kneass, esq., hero read the following list of officers of the meeting, which was 
unanimously agreed to : 

President — Hon. J.ymls Blctian.w. 

Vice Presidents. — Hon. Joel B. Dana, of Adams county; Col. Samuel W. Black, of Alle- 
gheny county; John S. Khey, of Armstrong county; John Cessna, of Bedford county; Hon. J. 
Glancy Jones, of Be/ks county; Hon. Jidm Laporte, of Bradford county; Hon. Thomas Ross, 
of Bucks county : Thomas J. Power, of Be^.vcr county ; Htm. Alfred ( iihnore, of Butler couuty ; 
Hon. George R. McFarlane, of Blair county: John O'Neill, of Cambria county: Asa Packer, 
of Carbon county; Col. James Buruside, of Centre county; Hon. John A. Morrison, of Chester 
county; Wm. T. Alexr.nder, of Clarion county; George R. Barrite, of Clearfield county; 
Charles R. Buckalew, ot Columbia couuty; J. Porter Brawley, of Crawford county; George 
W. Brewer, of Cuiubevland county; Hon. Wm. Dock, of Dauphin county, Alex'r McKcever, 
of Delaware county; Hon. J. L. Gillis, of Elk county; Hon. John Galbraith, of Erie county; 
Hi>n. Juliu L. Dawson, of Fayette county, Hon James X. McLauahan, of Franklin county; 
W. F. Schell, of Fulton county; Hon. Charles Black, of Greene county; John Dougherty, of 
Jeii'erson couuly; Hon. Augustus Drum, of Indiana comity: Hon. Andrew Parker, of Juniata 
couuty; Lot Watson, of Lawrence coimty; Col. Wm. B. Fordney, of Lancaster ooimty ; John 
Weidman, of Leb;:uon county; Willoughby Fogei, of Lehigh couuty; Hon. Andrew Beaumont. 



of Luzerne county; Hon. James Gamble, of Lycoming county; Hon Robert J. Hoguc, of 
Mercer county: Thaddeus Banks, of MifHiii county; Soluninu I'arstovv, of McKean county; 
Hiiu. John WcNair, of Montgomery county ; E. H. Baldy, of Montour county ; Hon. M. M. 
Pininiick, of Monroe c(Uinty; Gen. A. H. Kecder, of Northampton county; Hon L. DewMit, 
of Northuniberlaml county; Wni. H. Miller, of Perry county: James Mageeand Robt. Ewing, 
of ri:iladelphia city; Hon. Thomas B. Florence, Hon. John Robbing, jr., Hugh Malone, John 
8. Hoffman, and H. G. Sickles, of Pliibidelphia cmaity; Henry S. Mott, of Pike county; Clias. 
Lyman, of Potter county; Charles Frailey, of Scliuylkill comity; Isaac Hugus, of Simierset 
county : Hon. G. A. Grow, of Susquehanna county; Hon. John R. Jones, of Sullivan cunty; 
Hon. John W. Guernsey, of Tioga county; Wui. H. Lauiberton, of Venango county; Charlos 
Schrciner, of Union county; Hon. Nathaniel P. Eldrcd, of Wayne county; Gen. Wni. L. 
Calihan, of WaBhiiigton county; Hon. Wm. D. Foster, of Westmoreland county; Hon. Charl- 
ton B. Ciiriis, of Warren county ; S. S. Winchester, of Wyoming county ; and Hon. Wm. H. 
Kurtz, of York county. 

Scaititrics. — Wm. Si. Heister, of Berks county; Robert J. Niven, of Susciuehanna county: 
John Hamilton, jr., of Philadelphia city; John Oakford, John Batzig, and Henry L. Horn, of 
Phihtdeliihia county; CVd. L. F. Frank, of Lehigh county; Col. James Jeffries, of Dauphin 
county; Wm. P. Witliington, of Lancaster county; Jacob Leisenring, of Northumbeilacd 
county; and James C. Van Dyke, of Philadelphia city. 

On motion of David Pool, esq., of Harrisburg, Col. James Jeffries, of Dauphin, was added 
to the list of secretaries. 

The Hon. J.amk.s Bi-cH.i.N'A.v being loudly called for, came forward amid repeated cheering 
and addressed the meeting. 

He was followed by Hon. Stephen A. Douglas, of Illinois; Gov. Bigi.er. of Pennsylvania, 
and Gov. Lowe, of Maryland: when the president of the day, Hon. James Buchanan, intro- 
duced to the meeting the Hon. Chas. James Fauekner, of Virginia", as the representative in 
Congress of a portion of the Tenth Legion of Virginia Democracy, which annunciation was re- 
ceived with immense and prolonged cheering. 

Mr. Faulkner said : I thank you, fellow-citizens of Penn.sylvania, 
for the cordial manner in which you have received one who is a per- 
fect stranger to 3rou. I thank you on m^^ own account, and I thank 
you on behalf of the Tenth Legion of Virginia democracy. An 1 here 
pemit me to say that I am reannded of an incident which occurred 
during our late war with Great Britain. When Decatur was bearing 
down on the Macedonian, and ready to open his batteries upon her, an 
officer came up and snid : "Sir, the men wish to cheer." " Let them 
first take the ship, and then cheer," wns the reply. Now, whilst I have 
not less confidence in the result of the approaching action than that 
which was felt bv the gallant commodore, I shall hear the cheers from 
the dcmocrac}'' with much grealer pleasure after the second Tue-day 
in iNovember next. Let Pennsylvania do her duly, and we shall hear 
ihem. 

Fellow-countryintn, 1 have come from the South in the same spirit 
in which the Roman student of old made his pilgrimage to the classic 
groves of Athens — to drink at the pure, undefiled well of northern de- 
mocracy. [Cheers.] I stand in the midst of the firm, the ut^contjuer- 
able, tlie ever-conquering democracy of Berks, [cheers,] in the heart 
of the Tenth Legion of Pennsylvania democracy. [Cheers.] I have 
come here with no idle intent. I have come here with an object, and 
for a purpose. 1 have come from \'irginia to see with my own eyes 
and to hear with my own ears how the men of Pennsylvania respond to 
the lru(_' pi iuf.'iples of our great federal compact. Virginia and Pennsyl- 
vania, united in the field of party warfare, have so far' proved them.- 
selves equal to a world in arms. From the foundation of the govern- 
ment to the present hour, tlie republican party has never sustaintvl a 
defeat when these two powerful States have stood shouhler to shoulder 
in the fight. 1 can, then, say to ycu with emphasis and power, that 



Virginia is sound — sound lo the corej safe bcj^nd dispute or cavil, 
cind with untold thousands to spare from the ballot-box. The i'^cott 
column of Virginia — rollowiug the lead of false guides and treachen-us 
counsels — is n'ow tliirly hemmed in between the Caudine forks. Any 
nltcmpi 10 p;iss its northern or its southern defde must be alilvo fat:d to 
it. On the sonlh stands a democratic host, panting fir the contest nnd 
ilush(2d with the hopes of anticipated victory. On the north yawns the 
fearful chasms of abolition. No free-soil triumph will ever Hash its 
glories over that field of fight. Though Scott be a native of the Old 
b. 'minion, she knows him not in his [)resent claim upon her sympa- 
thies. As the Spartan mother said to her recreant son, who retin-n<r1 
from battle without his shield — " Go back and return rntk your shield, 
or vyon it" — so does Virginia say lo Winfield Scott : IJrlurn with the 
piinciple's which I tauglit you before you lett my soil, or return never 
more. So long as Scott headed our g.iliant army against Mexico, and 
fought in the true line of his profession, his march was triumphant, his 
career brilliant. But the Samson of war has l.)een shorn of his strengdi 
by the modern Delilahs of abolition; and if he should (vcr hercaficr 
again, under the custody of his Pljili.-tiiie guardians, acquire .-trengih 
and power, it can onVbe, I fisar, to pull down upon your hcids and 
mine, and his own, the pillars of our constitution 1 have told you 
what the prospect of tlie campaign is in Virginia. Is it eipially sale in 
Pennsylvania? [Shouts from the crowd, "It is— it is.''] If so, then 
the Union is safe, the constitution is safe, sectional agitation will be 
forever extinguished, and tlie ploliers and conspirators against our 
peace w^ill be'drivcn to their obscure dens, where the light of day will 
never reach them. 

Freemen of Pennsylvania, if I cannot find jialriots here, where can 
I go to look tor them? If you do not love the Union, and reverence 
that consliiution under whose glorious auspices you enjoy the unnum- 
bered blessings which seem everywhere showered upon you, where 
ui'on this continent are friends of the Union to be fbuudV Ood, in his 
guodness, never gave to man a nobler heritage than that whit'h you 
here possess; aud every object that met my eye, as the merry and 
rattling car brought me in view of your luxuriant fields, your well- 
cultivated farm.s, your richly-stored granaries, and your comfortable 
homesteads, all prove that you know how to value the blessings which 
a kind Providence has bestowetl upon you. 

I come from the Valley of Virginia — from a soil not inferioi' to youi 
own in natural fertility, but somewhat inferior to yours in careful and 
judicious cultivation, A large portion of that beautiful valley has been 
settled by Pennsylvanian^, and the descendants from the tarmers of 
old lierks may be now seen occupying some of the fairest p(.>rtions ol 
that productive region. Your instinct in finding out good land is tis un- 
erring as your instinct in discernmg wdiat is safe in politics. Many 
names that I have heard to-day are as fimiliar to me as household 
words in my own county. My people are not strangers to you in 
blood. There are many amongst us who arc bone of your bone and 
flesh of your flesh. My own mother was a Pennsylvanian, and some 
portion of the love we bear our mother is always very naturally trans- 
ferred to the soil from which she sprung. IVIy grandfather was for 



6 

many years a resident of this Stale ; he hnd tlie commnnd of a Penn- 
sylvania compan}'' in the battle of Brandy wine, fouglil not far distant 
from this spot, was shot down in that bloody encounter, and carried in 
his body to the grave the British lead which he received on that day. 

In that valley resided a noble and glorious son of Pennsylvania — a 
man of the temper and intellect of Luther — bold, original, and reform- 
ing, and suited by his genius to grace alike the pulpit or the plume of 
battle. I mean General Peter Muhlenberg — a patriot of the Revolution ; 
a man who as early as the 16th of June, 1774, announced at a public 
meeting in Woodstock the great principles, and foreshadowed the re- 
sults, of the Declaration of Independence, and who shed, by his early 
career, a military halo over the fame of Virginia, and by his declining 
life, a civil glory over that of Pennsylvania. 

I must, even at the risk of being regarded tedious, relatg^n incident 
in the life of this extraordinary man, which is not generally known. 
At the commencement of the revoluiionary war he was a clergyman 
of the Lutheran church, his father having been the founder of that 
church in America. In December, 177-5, Virginia called for six addi- 
tional regiments. Peter Muhlenberg and Patrick Henry were com- 
missioned as colonels — the only two civilians to whom regiments were 
assigned. Muhlenberg gave notice to his congregation of his intention 
to deliver his farewell sermon in Woodstock. The day carne, and 
with it an immense concourse of his friends and admirers, for all in 
that valley were such. At the close of an eloquent sermon he re- 
counted the dangers which threatened the liberties of his country, and 
the obligations which devolved upon every man to unsheath his sword 
in the cause of freedom. He told them, in the language of Holy 
Writ, tliere was a time for all things — a time to preach, and a time 
to pray — but that these times had now passed ; and then, in a voice 
that reached the hearts of all who heard him, and which re-echoed 
through the church like a trumpet blast of war, he exclaimed, that 
" there was a time to fight, and that lime had now come." Then throw- 
ing aside his clerical gown, he stood before them in the full uniform of 
a Virginian colonel — a girded warrior ready for battle. He ordered 
the drums to be beat at the church door, and there v^^as formed, in that 
valley, the celebrated 8th regiment of V^irginia — or, as it was more com- 
monly called, the " German Regiment of Virginia," which continued 
in service uniil the close of the war, and became one of the most dis- 
tinguished in the revolutionary army. 

Muhlenberg, subsequent to the war, removed from the valley of Vir- 
ginia to Pennsylvania, and represented your State in the House of 
Representatives and Senate of the Union, and filled other important 
offices. I learn to day from his relative, a member of the committee 
who so politely escorted us from Philadelphia, and who, if he lives, is 
destined to be your representative in the next Congress — having, as I 
learn, been nominated by the democratic party by acclamation — that 
he has now in his possession the original flag of this German Regiment 
of Virg'nia. Precious relic! may it continue to inspire 'in 3'our bosoms 
the noble patriotism which animated those who so olten carried it 
aloft amidst the storm and carnage of battle. 



Your djslingulslied Presideut has lefcrretl to mc as being the repre- 
sentative of a, portion of the Tenth Legion of Virginia democracy. 

In the centie of that great valley there are some three or four pros- 
perous iuid densely populated counties, which were originalW settled 
almost entirely from this State, and to a great extent from this coun- 
t}'-. Although not elected as a democrat, hut as nn Independ- 
ent Candidate, I have the honor to represent upon the floor of 
the House of Representatives two of those counties. Like your- 
selves, your descendants in that valley are almost wholly and exclu- 
sively democratic. A whig as naturally perishes there as a sucker 
caugtil in one of 3'our beautiful streams would perish if thrown upon 
its br.nk. Since the days of Thumas Jeflerson, those counties have 
been culled the Tenth Legion of Virginia democracy. And well have 
they bt;en so called, for this has been the Tenth Legion ot" the mighty 
Julius of democracy, — the Lnperial Guard of Napoleon, — the reserved 
corps which has never yet failed to turn back the tide ot" disaster and 
del'eat, and to achieve certain and secure victory. Even in 1840, 
when the republic seemed to reel and totter under the maddening and 
intoxicating influence of political frenzy, — when democratic Pennsyl- 
vania bowed her head, Virginia stood firm ; but she stood firm solel}- 
by virtue of this Tenth Legion of her democratic arm3\ My friends, 
I do not know whether that term is applied to you here, but in my 
State the county of Berks is familiarly known as the Tenth Legion of 
Pennsylvania democracy. Can't you propose it to yourselves to ac- 
quire a fime a? imperishable as that which attaches to your descend- 
ants in Virgiin'a? Can't you resolve that Pennsylvania shall never 
again bow her head in a blind and heedless enthusiasm for mere mili- 
tary renown? A thousand times has the taunt been repeated by your 
enemies from lip to lip, "Pennsylvania is safe ibr Scott; Penn33dvania 
has never yet cast her vote against a militar}' candidate; stick up a man 
in uniform, put epaulettes upon his shoulders and a plume in his cap, 
and dub him a general, and all Pennsylvania will follow at his heels." 
This is the language of taunt and sarcasm in which whigs have in- 
dulged, and which has led your Johnstons and 3'our Stevens to propose 
for 3'-our acceptance for the office of President of the United States 
the Commavdcr-in-Ghief of your Regular Army. Now, that General 
Scott does possess real solid, substantial, distinguished military merit, 
is not to be questioned by me. And it is onl}' a subject of my most 
profound regret, that such exalted militarj'- fame should be seized upon 
by unprincipled demagogues and knaves, as the means to advance their 
own selfish and mischievous purposes. But it is for you, m}' fell )w- 
citizens, to teach these blind advocates of gunpowder availability that 
they have miscalculated your intelHgence and firmness; that j^ou 
can distinguish between military merit and civil qualifications, and give 
to each their appropriate rewards; and that in rej' cting and repu- 
diating the claims of Winfield Scott for the Presidency, surrounded, as 
he unhappily is, with the foul miasma of Abolition, you do so, not be- 
cause 3'ou respect the Ca'sar of war less, but because 3'-ou love Kon^e 
and her institutions more. 

What has given to the democratic party its present com.nanding 
power and influence in this confederac3' ? What must ever make it 



8 

the predominant part}'", so long as it continiies fiiilhiul to the principles 
upon which it was originally foimdcd by Jcflerson and Madison, of 
Virginia, and by the two Muhlenbergs — par nohile fratrurn — Rush, 
Dahas, Leiper, Lieb, and others, of your State? Your enemies a?- 
cribe its power to causes not very flattering to human nature, nor very 
honorable to American intellii'euce and patriotism. But examine its 
hi.-tory from 179S to the present hour, and you will find that the' true 
secret ot its strength is to i)e lonnd in itssa-cred observance of the lim- 
itations, the guarantees, the letler and spirit of our great federal 
compact. I do not mean to say that wiihin that rieriod there have not 
been depariures — very wide departures — irom the irue latitude and 
longitude of constitution;d interpretation. But I do mean to say that 
the democratic party have sought to make ihe constitution the polar 
star by which the vessel of State should be steered through the stormy 
ocean of politics ; and whilst the winds of faction, and the occasional 
mutiny of a portion of the crew, have sometimes driven it from the 
true line of its direciion, it has not been long before it had corrected its 
log, and placed the old ship, in the language of Mr. Jefferson, "on the 
true republican tack." We are told in the Holy Scriptures that t'ne 
gates of h< 11 shall liot prevail against that church whicli is built upon 
the rock of living and eternal truth. And so I say. Baild your party 
upon the rock — the solid, unchanging, and adamantine rock — of 3'our 
constitution, and the storm.s of faction, of iederalism, and of free-soiiism, 
will dash in vain against its base. 

This constitution was the w^ork of great and illustrious men — of men 
of mighiy intellects, of trie 1 patriotism, of exulied pubJic virtue. It 
bears upon every p«ge of it the breathing of a divine power, moulding 
with consummate skill the destinies of the greatest republic on earth. 
It was made at a period when the heart of the natiojti was purified 
from all selfishness, and when all its pulsations responded to the true 
glory and happiness of the people. It took tinie t.j perfect it — it re- 
quired sacrifices from all sections to mature it — and when finally 
adopted, crai fusion and chaos hid their heads, and it emerged above 
the horizon as a second sun in the heavens, diffiis^ng light and heat and 
gladness over this continent. 

Gentlemen, there are provisions in that great national covenant 
under which you of the North have prospered in commercial, in man- 
ufacturing, and in agricultural wealth, be5''ond any example in the 
records of the human race. And while we of the South have not 
prospered in commerce, or manufactures, or agriculture, as you have 
done, yet there are provisions in that instrument under which we of 
the South have expected to find quiet and repose, domestic tranquillity 
and peace. 

It is known to yon, gentlemrn, that there existed at the formation of our 
Union, in most of the Northern and in all of the Southern States, the insti- 
tution of African slavery. With you it was regarded but as a temporary 
interest; with us it existed in such numbers, and was so intim.ately inter- 
woven with all our social habits, as to have acquired the character of a 
fixed and permanent institution amongst us. It is not for me here to 
inquire how and by whose capital and enterprise slavery was intro- 
duced amongst us. It is sufficient for you and me to know that it did 



exist, and thai the great pritnots and statesmpn of thiit day had to con- 
sider it deeply and profoundly in arranging the tiTms ol" our national 
compact. 

Now, two of the fundamental principles agreed upon by our fathers 
in arranging the basis of our Union were — ' 

1st. That e;ich t?iate should remain sovereign and supreme in all 
matters relating to its own local concerns, and should be the sole and 
exclusive judge of its own domestic policy ; that no power be- 
yond the limtts of that State should intertere, directly or indirectly, 
with its own local and peculiar institutions. This threw upon the 
people of each State tlie sole rcsponsii)iiity for its own domestic policy, 
and relieved the federal government, and the people of all other States, 
from any responsibility whatsoever in regard to it. And the people 
of Massachusetts and the people of Pennsylvania have no more right 
to interfere with the sort of labor which we choose to use in Virginia 
than we have the right to prescribe to you that you shall use mules 
instead of 3^our fine Conestoga horses, or the Angora goats, in place of 
sheep. 

But there was anodier principle agreed upon no less important thnn 
the first — and it was this: that inasmuch as our slaves might readily 
escape into the free States, a power should exist somewhere that would 
enable us to reclaim tlicm. This power might have been left to tiie 
States in which the fugitive sought an asylum, and certainly every 
principle of good neighborhood, of fraternal sympathy, and of inter- 
national courtesy, would have required and justified its exercise by the 
Stales. But it was deemed most exi)edient to devolve that authority 
upon the national government, because its jurisdiction was co-extensive 
with the limits of the vvhole Union; because it was a government in 
which the South could be represented, and upon which it could rely 
for a faithful enforcement of the stipulation, and because it thereb}' re- 
lieved the anti-slavery feeling of an}^ particular State from all respon- 
sibility of action in the matter. 

Now, of the vast and overshadowing importance of this provision of 
the federal compact to the South no reflecting man can entertain a 
doubt. It is not the mere money value of the slaves who escape into 
the free States which has aroused the united act ion of the South on this 
question. It is the fact, well known to us, that if such a provision did 
not exist in the constitution, and was not faithfully enforced, a spirit 
of insubordination would very probably be infused into oar slave 
population that would lead to the most fearful and tragic consequences. 
Let no man, then, suppose that when the South assumes the position 
which she has done on this question, she is governed by any mere 
consideration of dollars and cents! She is acting upon the solemn 
conviction that upon the faithful execution of this plain and cx[»ress 
guarantee of the constitution depend her domestic tranfiuilUty and peace. 
And we are forced to regard ail men in the free States who stimulate 
opp::>sition to the fugitive slave law, and who seek to tirustrate and 
nullify its provisions, a.s not merely violating an express obligation of 
the constitution, but as seeking to enact that "■drama of b/ood^' which 
Governor Johnston, in his earlier and better days, charged to be the 
purpose of those who sought to embarrass the legal rights of the slave- 



10 

holder. We are compelled to regard all such persons as enemies to 
the South, and as enemies to the Union [Cheers.] 

We of the South do not ask you gentlemen of the free States to love 
the institution of slavery, or to think of it otherwise than as you think 
proper. We have never made any such demand upon you. We have 
never-claimed to exercise any such constraint over your opinions. It 
is the false allegation — the false issue which the enemies of your peace 
and my peace, and the peace ot the Union, make for the purpose of 
stimulating sectional agitation for their own vile and nefarious purposes. 
All that we ask of you, gentlemen, is to act upon this question as sound 
patriots and as honest men. We ask you to love and obey the consti- 
tution of your country. We ask you, as honest men, to accord to us 
those rights which our great national covenant secures to us, and which 
v^e have purchased with a price. We ask you to maintain the prin- 
ciples of that federal Union which was framed by your fathers and 
mine — by patriots who, shoulder to shoulder, had poured out their best 
blood in the war of our Revolution. We ask you to discharge with 
fidelity the great national obhgations which you have assumed to dis- 
charge, and W'hich 3'ou cannot refuse to discharge without heaping dis- 
honor and infamy upon the memory of your patriotic ancestors, and 
committing moral treason against the constitution of 3'our country. Is 
this asking more than we have a right to expect? [Cries of No ! no I 
from the crow^l — you shall have it !] I know% gentlemen, we shall get 
it fi:om the northern democrats. But 1 fear I should look in vain for 
any such response from northern whigs. 

Now, one of the great and distinguishing features betvi-'een the whig 
and the democratic parties of this State — at least since my attention has 
been specially drawn to the inquiry — is, that whilst the v/hig party of 
your State has been seeking to gain power by pandering to anti- 
masonry, native- Americanism, and to all those crude and uninformed 
anti-slavery prejudices that may be so easily aroused in every human 
bosom in those States in which the institution does not exist and cannot 
be knowm, the democratic party of the North, and more particularly of 
your State, has manifested a fixed and determined purpose to oppose 
itself to this unwise and dangerous agitation, to stand by the constitu- 
tion, and to preserve inviolate the rights secured by that instrument. 
The just, patriotic, and constitutional course of the democracy of Penn- 
sylvania has been fully observed and gratefully acknowledged in the 
South. 

It was for this reason, amongst others, that so large a portion of the 
South has of late years directed its attention to a great and distin- 
guished statesman of your commonw^ealth — that gentleman who pre- 
sides this day with so much dignity over your meeting. [Cheers.] 
The feeling of confidence which Virginia cherishes for the democracy 
of Pennsylvania was forcibly illustrated in the recent national conven- 
tion held at Baltimore. Pennsylvania's favorite son was Virginia's un- 
changing choice. For thirty- three successive ballots, and until all hope 
of the accomplishment of her wishes failed, Virginia pre'sented an un- 
broken front tor your noble and glorious son, James Buchanan. [Cheers.] 
And richly did he earn the compliment thus bestowed upon him. His 
gigantic intellect, his long and distinguished public services, his uniform 



11 

respect for ihc guarnntiod rights of the South, his fidelity to the rou? ti- 
tution, his love of the Union, had designated hitn as one worthy of the 
most exalted honors of this republic. [Cheers.] 

Now lei nie illustrate this distinctive diflerence between the two 
parlies in Pennsylvania by a reference to a fbw facts. 

We of the South are in the habit of regarding the position of parties 
in the North upon the fugitive slave law, as presenting an infallible test 
of constitutional orthodoxy. And why ?. Because it is a plainly- written 
provi^i()n of the constitution — ^clear, distinct, positive — admitting of no 
evasion or C(|uivocation ; and the man who would nullif}' that provision, 
would strike down the whde instrument whenever it suited his purpose. 
Again, because the Supreme Court of the United States has solemnly 
announced that the act of 1793 was delusive and inefficient for the 
objects contemplated b^'' the constitution, and that we were entitled to 
a full and adequate remedy from the national government. Now, I 
maiiuain that any party that would throw itself in direct opposition to 
the plain requirements of the constitution of the United States, and in 
opposition to the solemn adjudication of the highest judicial tribunal in 
the land, and do so, for the purpose of waging a reckless and unprin- 
cipled warfire against our peace and happiness, cannot be expected to 
command much oi'our respect and conHdence, and ought not to com- 
mand the respect and confidence of any portion of the country. 

Let us, then, for a moment look at the course of the two parties iij)on 
this great and vital question. 

In the Senate of the United States not one single northern ichio- senator 
is found to vote for the passage of the bill. 

In the House of Representatives it received the vote of one solitary 
whig member from the northern States, and two whig members from 
the northwestern States. 

But this would lead me into too extensive a field of inquiry. My 
object is to examine the course of parties in this State, and to that I 
will for tlie piesent restrict m3'self 

You had tvi'o Senators in Congress — Daniel Sturgeon and James 
Cooper — the first, a democrat; the second, a whig; Sturgeon, the 
democrat, voted for the bill; Cooper, the whig, against it. • 

In the House of Representatives, the same state of things was ex- 
hibited. Of your twenty-four members, every whig whose vote was 
recorded — and ten are so recorded — was found in opposition to the bill. 
Every democrat whose vote stands recorded, is found in support of the 
bill. 

There was, as usual upon exciting tc^st-questions, some dodging ; but 
that would seem to have been principally confined to whigs, as I would 
inf&r, at least, from a pretty coarse practical joke perpetrated by Thad- 
deus Stevens, of your State — himself a whig, and as appears on the 
pages of the Congressional Globe. 

After the passage of the bill, Mr. Stevens rose and suggested to the 
Speaker to send a page and notify the whig members of the House 
Ijiat the Fugitive Slave Bill had been disposed of, and that they could 
now come back into the HalL (Laughter.) 

Look aho to your own State legislation and State acticn. After the 
Compromise measures passed, the democratic party proceeded in good 



12 

fahh to fiioilifate their execution, and to brin"- the whole weight and 
power of their party to maititnin and u-phold lliem. In y(;ur Stale con- 
ventions and county conventions you declared: 

licsolve'l, Tliat ilie flt'mdciatic party of Pennsylvania are true to the Union, the Constitu- 
tion, and the laws, and will faithfully observe and execute, so fur as in them lies, all the mea- 
sures of compromise adopted by the late Congress for the purpose of settling the questions 
arisins out of domestic slavery; and this, not only from a sense of duty as good ciiizens of th>; 
Ivei)uldic, but also from the kind and fraternal fyelings which they clierish towards their 
brethren of the slave-holding States. 

Again, at a subsequent convention the following resolution was 
adopted : 

Rcsoltcd, That the democracy of Pennsylvania will maintain with fidelity and energy the 
faithful execution of the Fugitive Slave Law ; and that we pledge ourselves to use our best 
eflorts to secure the speedy repeal of such portions of the "State Obstructioa Law" as deny 
the use of our jails for the detention of fugitives from labor while awaiting their trial, or in 
any other manner interfere with the constitutional rights of citizens of our sister States, in 
relation to their property. 

IMost nobly have you redeemed your pledges to ihe constitution and 
to your southern brethren. Early in lS5i you did, in opposition to the 
unanimous vote of the whig party, pass through both houses of your 
General Assembly an act repealing the most obtio.xious sections of the 
unconstitutional obstrnction law of 1847. But your sound and patri- 
otic purposes were, lor the time, frustrated by the veto of Wm. V. 
Johnston, the whig Governor of your Slate. Did 3' ou pause in your 
patriotic exertions here? No! You nailed the flag of the constitution 
to your mast-head, and took an appeal to the peo])le of Pennsylvania. 
You re-a.ffirmed your declaration to maintain the constilutional rights 
of the South. You nominated the gallant Bigler as your standard- 
bearer, and y'ou made a direct issue with your opponents on this ques- 
tion. What was the result? Why, that result which always follows a 
iaithful observance of the constitution. The abolition forces were 
routed. The constitution was maintained, and democracy was tri- 
uujphant ; and the rei^ealing law, which Johnston vetoed, was again 
passed by a democratic legit^lature against a solid whig vote, and ap- 
proved by a democratic governor. 

Now what was the course of the whig party during all this lime?* 
Why, the very reverse of yours. They were ibr overthrowing the con- 
stitution, whilst you were nobly maintaining it. 

W'hy, gentlemen, in the whig convention which assembled in July, 
1852, and which nominated Scott ibr the Presidency^ and Johnston tor 
Governor, the following resolution was submitted tor its adoption, and 
voted down by' an overwhelming majority : 

iicsoixul, Tliiit tlic prori/inns of the constitution in reference to the rendition of fugitives 
held to ^eivice or Inlior dt- maud, and shall receive from our party, a faithful, manly, and unequi- 
vocal support. 

This was voted down m a whig convention of this State, by an over- 
whelming vote. Mark its language! It is not that the provisions of 
the Fugitive Slave Law ])asr^cd by Congress, but that pruvidons ^' ihe 
coiisimuion, shall receive their support; and this resolution was voted_ 
down by the whig party of Pennsylvania! thus exhibiting the spectacle 
of infernal fiends assaulting the very citadel of Heaven— -the ver}-- con 
stitution of the land itself. 



13 

Now, frentlcrnen, you mav ?cc ihc force and bearing of some remarks 
embraced in Mr. Fillmore's last annual message to Congress. I will 
read you a few lines from it, and you will see how lie impali s these 
moral traitors before the public gaze : 

" SoiHC ol)jeftious liavc been urgt-a ui^aimt the tli'tails of the aet for the return of fugitives 
from laluu-; bur, it is worthy of remark that the main opposition is aiuieil ag'niisl the cunsti- 
tution itself, and proceeds from persons and classes of i)ersons, many of whom declare tlieir 
wish to sue that consticution overturned. They av.)\v their liostility to any law winch «hall 
cive full and practical eflect to this requirement of th.- consritntion. 

" Cases haw heretofore arisen in which indinduah liav<- denied the bindwii,' authority oj nr.fs oj 
CotKrrcss, and even States have proposed to nullify such acts, upon the ^^round that the con- 
stitution was the supreme law of the laud, and that those acts of Congress were repu<,'uant to 
that instrument ; but nidlijiculiun is now aimed, not. so much against parlictdnr laws as being in- 
consistent irith the constitution as against the constitution itself, and it is not to be disj^aised 
that a spirit exists, and has been actively at work, to rend asunder this Union, wh ch is our 
cherished inheritance from our revolutionary fathers." 

Is it suri)rising, when you look to the respective opinions entertaintxl 
by the whig pai'ty of Pennsylvania, and })y Millard Fillmore, ihat he 
should have received, in filty-four ballots, but one single vote from the 
whig party of your State in\he late National Convention? It can sur- 
prise no one. 

Perhaps one of the most striking illustrations of this^ distinguishing 
characteristic between the northern whig and democratic parties is to 
be found in the course of William F. Johnston, late whig Governor of 
your State. You will thus perceive how the same man may pertbrm 
the functions of a political chameleon, and retiect tluxuigh his transparent 
skin the color and complexion of the party to which he at the titnc 
belongs. 

In 1S37 Governor Johnston was a democrat, and a member of the 
House of Delegates of Pennsylvania, from the county of Armslrong. 
On the 27th of "January, of that year, a petition was presented to the 
House, praying the Legislature to grant the trial by jury to fugitive 
slaves. How'did the democratic representative of the county of Arm- 
strong then mo-et this proposition ? He denounced it in the following 
just and appropriate remarks. I can only lake a short extract h-om his 
speech : 

" Suppose, sir, we would legitimately act upon this prayer of the petitioners, (giving the 
right of trial by jury to slaves,) would it be politic in this House to do so? By the original 
compact between ttie States, Pennsylvania has recognised thi; right of the southern man in the 
property of his slave; and she has lio right to |)ass laws whicli would embarrass the recovery 
of his property. Can the owner of the slave be e.Npected to undergo the delaysof a jury trial, 
the procrastiuation of the law, and the expense incident lliereof .' ft would almost amount to 
a positive prevention to the recovery of his legal rigtu, and particularly when we take into c(Ui- 
sideration the fact, that in many of the counties <.f the Commonwealth a large and respectable 
portion of the citizens have consrtcntiotts scruples upon the subject f>f slavery, which would 
most efl-ectually prevent the recovery of the slave. It appeared to him, that if such an act 
were passed, it'woulJ virtually amount t(» the emancipation of every negro who niight be fortu- 
nate enough to eeeape the pursuit of his master and put his foot lu renusylvania. Such action 
would he the first net in tfuit drama of blood which some men appear to be so anxious to bring 
vpon the country. Let these infatuated and misled philanthropists pursue their own course, 
but he confidently hoped this Hou-se would refuse to endorse their errors." 

Now, what was the course of this same Wm. F. Johnston in 1S50 
and ISol, after he had abandoned the democratic parly, and whon he 
stood forward the embodiment and representative of Pennsylvaiiia 
whiggcry? Is it not as notorious as any fact in the history of your 



14 

State politics, that, ns the whig candidate for the office of Governor, he 
denounced the fugitive slave act in the most unmeasured terms, troin 
one end of the State to the other, and especially the feature denying a 
jury trial ? It has been well said, what is to be thought of ihat n'liijion 
which worships a monkey for its God ? And I say, what is to be thouijht 
of that party in your State which now seems to breatlie only through 
the nostrds of Win. F. Johnston "? Gov. Johnston cannot j)lead imm- 
rance as an apology. His speech in 1837 shows that he had a "lull 
perception of that "drama of blood" which he was so zealously struo- 
gling to see enacted upon our southern soil, and ihat he was, with Ids 
eyes open, and with a clear view o\ ihe conseciuencesof iiis act, perpe- 
trating a violent outrage against the constitution of his o.unlrv, and 
against the peace of his brethren of the Sou'h. [Immense cheering.] 

How strikingly in contrast with the course of Governor Johiision 
was the conduit of his democratic predecessor — the lamented (Jov. 
Shunk— and has been that oi liis deuiocralic successor, Governor 
Biglcr. 

In the summer of 1847 I had several slaves stolen fn-m me, wliich 
were carried to Pennsylvania. Tlie slaves were vi>ry j)!()mp!ly re- 
turned. I made a demand through the Goven:orol' Nirginia up n Gov. 
Shunk, of J>eniisylvania, for the surrender of the fugitive fronj justice, 
upon the sole and exclusive clinrge of his havirjg cvimmitted :i /el„nij, 
under the laws of Virginia, in stuihrrgmtj slarcs. In a similar case from 
Virginia, I well know that Governor Seward, of New York, had de- 
chued lo comply with the d.-mand, and li)r reasons fatal to the ])eace of 
the country. I did not know much of Governor Shunk ; and as he was 
then in the midst of an excited canvass t(")r the olfice of Governor, I 
thought it quite likely that he would resort to the u-ual delays of tem- 
ponzing pt)Iiticians, and, hke (wwernor Johnston, keep mv demand in 
his brrcchsi-pockrt until alter the election. But I soot) Ibund tlial (iov. 
Shunk (cteniid honor to his memory) knew his cotislituiional duties, 
and had the firmness to discharge the'm. In other words, I soon learned 
that he was a democrat; and as rapidly as the mail could carry my 
letter to \\\m, and his reply to me, I received a warrant from hi(n under 
the seal of your State, and with his bold and manly signature a|)i>ende(l 
to It, calling all the civil and judicial officers of your State to orrtyt the 
Jdon. [Cheers.] I gave myself no further concern about the. fugitive, 
a3 I was sufficiently satisfied in seeing the coustituticui of the country 
so nobly vindicated by a democratic Governor of Pennsvlvania, and 
the atrocious docirines of \Vm. H. Seward rejected and discounie- 
nanced l)y an authority equal in intellect and far superior in political 
vntue to his late excellency the Governor of New York. 

^ Mr. FaAilkner here proceeded to state his objections lo the election of 
General Scott. He had none to his private or to his miUtary character. 
He was prepared to concede lohim all the qualifications of a cenileman 
and of a successful and distinguished military leader. Hi.^ objections 
were wholly {)olItical. He wa's the candidau-, and as such was f('>rced 
upon the country by that portion of the northern whig parly which 
had for years b:tn making capital by the agitation of" the subject of 
sla\ery, and by warring against the constitution and the rights*«.f the 
South, t^eoli was emphatically a sectional candidate. His election 



15 

would give a new and vigorous impulse to that Abolition feeling which 
presented a topic of greatest danger to the permnnency of the Union. 
If Scott was personally sound, it would not be in accordance with 
human nature to suppose that he could throw off the influence of those 
who elevated him to the office of President of the United States. If 
elected, he must know he will be indebted for that honor to the anti- 
sluvery sentiment of the xXorth. Amongst that party he must find his 
confidential friei>ds and advisers. Under him, they must acquire in- 
fluence and power. His destiny and theirs are inseparably connected, 
and it is idle for any man to su|ipose that he can elect Scott without 
giving a commanding p(nver to .Seward, Johnston, and all that class of 
politicians who have lived ufx)n the pernicious agitation which they 
have for years been fomenting. 

The whigs of the North had dealt treacherously with the whigs of 
the South. Under the pretension that they were the conservative con- 
stitutional party of the Union, they have succeeded in inducing many 
honest and patriotic men of the South to combine with them. They 
had used the South to promote their selfish and mercenary schemes, so 
far as the powers of the federal government could be stretched to pro- 
mote them. But when the first occasion occurred to manifest whether 
they hiu\ any real respect for the consiiiulion, or an\' sympathy with 
their southern brethren, ihey proved false to the constitution and to 
the South. Tliey votetl in a body against recognising rights solemnly 
secured to us by the plain language of the compact. Scott is now 
before the country, the creature, the representative of the same senti- 
ment of feeling of the North. It is manifest, from llie exhibition of the 
latit several years, that the South can alone find any security for its 
rights in a firm and cordial alliance with the democracy of the North. 

The democracy, guided by that overruling Providence which seems 
to prosper all its measures, and to connect in one destiny its triumphs 
and the glory of our common country, has seU^cted a ticket which I can 
support with my whole heart. Unambitious of office, and yet ready to 
obey his country's call, in peace or war, whenever the public good 
demands it, Franklin Pierce dreamt as little of the high destiny which 
now awaits him, as Cincinnatus whilst toiling at his plough. No nomi- 
nation in the present condition of the country could have been less liable 
to any sectional or j)ersonal objection, and none could have been hailed 
with more universal favor by the country. By birth and residence a 
northern man, the South has unbounded confidence in him, because his 
whole public career indicates a statesman of the most enlarged and 
comprehensive American feeling. To use his own emphatic declara- 
tion, he knows "no North, no South, no East, no West, under the con- 
stitution, but a sacred maintenance of the common bond, and a true 
devotion to the common brotherhood." 

This has been called the canvass of " false hood and frauds," and 
such it truly has been. Without resorting to falsehood, what could be 
said against Franklin Pierce? At first he was charged with being a 
drunkard; but that soon sunk into the kennel of loathsome and forgot- 
ten calumnies. Then hb was charged with intolerance to his Catholic 
fellow-citizens; but these very Catholics promptly rose en tnassc, with 
thtir reverend pastor at their head, and pronounced the statement false. 



16 

Then came the Foss fabrication, but that has now siml< to the tomb c 
the Capulets. The whigs have one fact left, and upon that they exhaus 
all tlie powers of their wit and eloquence. " General Pierce tainted o 
the battle-field ot Churubusco!" Well, gentlemen, the fact is sc 
We can't deny it. General Pierce did faint on the battle-field of Churu 
busco ; and j'et the man who could reproach him with that fact is des 
titute of an American heart in his bosom, and is no better than a Mexi 
can dog. It is the proudest incident in the military history of Frankli 
IMerce. Hear what General Scott and General Pillow say. [Mr. 1 
here read the official accounts of die action from the despatches c 
Scott, Pillow, &c.] 

And this is the incident that is made the subject of whig jest, of whi- 
wit, and of whig buffoonery. General Pierce is not the first brave ma 
that ever fainted upon a battle-field. Messena — the brave Marsht 
Messena — he whom Napoleon called his right arm — whom history ha 
Styled the favoj ii e cliild of victory — whom poetry and song have chaunte 
as the thunderbolt of war — fainted upon one of the bloodiest fields ( 
his fame, and from the same causes that caused General Pierce l 
faint — pain and bodily exhaustion ; and if the whigs will have it so, h 
history then designate Pierce as the fainting Messena of the Mexica 
^var — as one whose gallant spirit led where his frail, diseased, an 
worn-down body could not follow ; and believe me, gentlemen, if poetr 
or painting shall ever do justice to that historical scene, it will paint tli 
prostrate body of the wounded and exhausted soldier stixtched upe 
the ground, whilst his gallant spirit will be seen to hover over the sm()l^ 
and cainage ol liattie, cheering his comrades on to victory, and sigliin 
that it cannot mingle iu the^lread aftVay. 

One word moie, and 1 am done. As I told you in the opening; 
my remarks, I came here to see with my own eyes, and. to hear wii 
my own ears, how far the democracy ot Pennsylvania mean to stan 
by the constitutional rights of the South. 1 know what politicians \m\ 
said, and 1 know what conventions have said; InU I wish to hear fioi 
the people themselves what they have to say. When I return to \i 
^inia — to the bosom of my own constitnents — shall 1 be able to tc 
them that fidt-iiiy to ail the guarantees of the consliluiion is, and coi 
tinues to be, a cardinal principle of democratic faith"? ["You ma}'- 
youmay!" came, from a hundred voices in the crowd.] That yr 
will never cease to war with the whigs of your State, until every ng 
secured to us by that sacred compact'is fully recognised and enforcet 
[We Will! the constitution must be preserved i" declared several voic> 
from the crowd, to which the whole meeting responded.] Then, ge 
tlemen, 1 go away satisfied. I have an answer, not from politicians 
conventions, but from the great masses of the peo[>]e themselves, ai 
you have furni.-hed me an fTrmor more impenetrable tliaii the sevenio 
shield of Achilles. [Mr. Faulkner took his seat, w hen three cheers we 
given for the speaker and the Tenth Legion of Vii-ginia democracy.] 



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